Page 35 - IB April 2022
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Opinion                                                                                         Opinion



        ‘Free and open Indo-Pacific’ was an indelible feature of   most existential of which is climate change. This is highlighted
        Japanese extra-regionalism and multilateralism in the mid to   under PIF’s Boe Declaration.
        late 2010s. This current version, of course, is a replica of the   So you can imagine the antipolarity of the two positions
        Japanese model. The strategy, whilst allowing governments   held by the US vis-à-vis the PICs. In such a situation, any co-
        to ‘make their own sovereign choices, consistent with their   operative effort to formulate solutions is destined to fail.
        obligations under international law’, will however respond   The other interesting point under this section is the implied
        harshly and retributively to any Pacific Island Countries, for   consistency of the U.S.’ One China policy as against its Taiwan
        instance, that applies its sovereign rights to establish bilater-  Relations Act. Ordinarily, this seems an irreconcilable con-
        alism and or partnership with PRC. Where is the sovereignty,   tradiction. All global activities that are polarising the world
        one may ask?                                        currently will only tend to lend this contradiction irreconcil-
         The second element of the strategy is ‘Build connections   ability. That spells global disquiet.
        within and beyond the region’. It provides for: ‘the alli-  The Strategy’s fifth and final section is: ‘Build regional
        ances, organisations, and rules that the United States and   resilience to 21st century transnational threats’. This section
        our partners have helped to build must be adapted; where   focuses on climate change. The big question here is what will
        needed, we must update them together’. The plea by the   the U.S. do, if anything, to get Australia to toe the line as
        U.S. for togetherness under its own Strategy is anticipated. As   regards compliance of the Boe Declaration and its existential
        stated above, such togetherness in terms of the Indo-Pacific   threat of climate change?
        membership, but not parties to the strategy, is abetted by the   The prospect of any bilateral initiative to get Australia
        anodyne nature of the various aspects of the strategy.  on-line with the Declaration is nil. There are no positive signs
         ‘Drive Indo-Pacific Prosperity’ is the third element of the   on the horizon.  The signs, one sees, however, are all discour-
        strategy. This section is effusive as regards its plan for close   aging. The U.S., for example, is party to AUKUS, the newly





                     This only goes to show that PICs are essentially marginal in any discus-
                     sions relating to Indo-Pacific. PICs’ takeaway from all this is that they
                     will continue to be treated as pawns in global geopolitical discussions,
                     under existing political alignments and partnerships. This opens up the
                     prospects of new and political alignments and partnerships, not only
                     at the national levels but also at the subregional, regional and extra-
                     regional levels.




        economic integration, increased foreign direct investment   established appendage to Indo-Pacific, bringing UK into the
        and the US as an investment partner, broad-based economic   group. This move to sanction AUKUS and its activities is di-
        growth under its Indo-Pacific economic framework, rapid   rectly in defiance of the positions of PIF as regards all nuclear
        technological transformation, new approaches to trade and   activities, as per the provisions of the Treaty of Rarotonga
        closing infrastructural gaps.                       1985.
          All very nice. However, in reading the text, one gets the   This only goes to show that PICs are essentially marginal in
        idea that all these are being focused ‘on both sides of the   any discussions relating to Indo-Pacific. Pacific Islands Forum
        Pacific.’ The reference in quotes in the previous sentence   countries’ takeaway from all this is that they will continue to
        actually gets two mentions in the text. The large expanse of   be treated as pawns in global geopolitical discussions, under
        the Pacific that constitutes the area’s centrality does not draw   existing political alignments and partnerships. This opens up
        any mention at all.                                 the prospects of new and political alignments and partner-
         Having said that, and to be fair, the Pacific Islands did get   ships, not only at the national levels but also at the subre-
        a mention under the Strategy’s 10-point ‘Indo-Pacific Action   gional, regional and extra-regional levels.
        Plan’. It features as the eighth element of the plan, and it
        factors in: ‘Partner to Build Resilience in the Pacific Islands.’  editor@islandsbusiness.com
         The fourth element of the Strategy is: ‘Bolster Indo-Pacific
        Security’. Under Indo-Pacific, security is essentially military   The author is a former Fijian Ambassador and Foreign Minis-
        threats. This is totally opposed to the security conceptualisa-  ter and runs his own consultancy company in Suva, Fiji.
        tion of PIF which sees security as all forms of threat; and the

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