Page 11 - IB April 2025
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Politics                                                                                         Politics































                 Government ministers and Fiji Electoral Reform Commissioners







        but Fiji defeats that objective by simultaneously requiring a   could look at that MP to solve local-level problems.
        5% threshold. Parties or independents that do not reach the   It would not be possible to return to single-member
        5% threshold get no seats whatsoever. That makes the system   districts without amending the Constitution, but most
        much less proportional because the big parties get a share of   electoral specialists think Fiji is better off with a proportional
        seats that is larger than their share of votes.     representation system. Such systems make the highly
         In the earlier March draft of the 2013 Constitution, there   ethnicised two-party polarisation witnessed both under the
        was a four constituency model proposed, with separate   1970 and 1997 Constitutions less likely. Single-member district
        constituencies for the Western, Central, Northern, and   systems, like first-past-the-post or the alternative vote, are
        Eastern Divisions. Shifting to such an arrangement would not   those with districts which only elect one member. You cannot
        breach the 2013 Constitution.                       have a proportional representation system if you only elect
         In a four-constituency model, it would be possible to modify   one member. In the Fiji context, such single-member district
        the ballot paper to show not only candidates but also parties   systems encourage a ‘winner takes all’ contest between two
        and party symbols. One of the major objections to the current   ethnic parties.
        system has concerned the obscure numbers-only ballot paper.   With a multiple constituency system, Fiji could have a
        Under the present system, the ballots are primarily counted   closer relationship between its MPs and their constituents.
        by party. Only after the party tallies are calculated do the   For example, with the present 55 MPs, one could potentially
        individual tallies decide which candidates win seats. It makes   have eleven five-member constituencies, or three or four
        sense to make the party more clearly visible on the ballot   bigger constituencies. It would not require nearly as many
        paper.                                              votes to reach the 5% threshold if constituencies were
         Some critics argue that the present system is unfair   smaller, so the system would be less unfair to smaller parties
        because parties depend on a ‘rock star’ candidate to obtain   or independents. The country could retain the advantages
        a huge number of nationwide votes and then less well-known   of proportionality but simultaneously strengthen the
        candidates get elected on the coat-tails of that national   accountability of MPs to specific districts.
        leader. In a three- or four-constituency model, national   Those who argue that such a reform could not be
        leaders would (for better or worse) be confined to one of   undertaken within the confines of the 2013 Constitution are
        several smaller constituencies.                     either misreading the Constitution or else pulling the wool
         Above all, many critics object to the current system   over people’s eyes.
        because it severs any link between Members of Parliament
        and specific geographical areas. Under all of Fiji’s earlier   Jon on Fraenkel is Professor of Comparative Politics, Victoria
        systems, there were lots of single member districts, meaning   University of Wellington, New Zealand and has written
        that citizens could know exactly who their MP was and they   extensively on political systems in Fiji.


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